Donations in Medieval Pilgrimage: A Hidden Tradition

Introduction

Whatever the social class, gender, or age of the pilgrim, what unites and underpins their worship and practice of pilgrimage is an underlying, yet prolific culture based on oral tradition. Shrine donations, particularly non-monetary donations, provide historians with a highly in-depth understanding of how people worshiped and expressed their faith in ways not necessarily governed by lay or ecclesiastical laws.

The 1307 Examination of Shrine Donations

The restored tomb of Thomas de Cantilupe in Hereford Cathedral

In c.1307, about mid-way between Thomas of Cantilupe’s death and canonisation, papal commissioners traveled to Hereford to conduct an examination of the shrine donations. The following is, according to the commissioners, a small fraction of the total offerings donated but nevertheless provides an insightful look into worship. These items included:

• 170 ships in silver and 41 in wax

• 129 images of men or their limbs in silver, 1,424 in wax

• 77 images of animals and birds of diverse species

• 108 crutches

• 3 vehicles in wood and 1 in wax, left by cured cripples

• 97 night-gowns

• 116 gold and silver rings and brooches

• 38 garments of gold thread and silk

Symbolism and Personal Stories in Pilgrimage Offerings

This vibrant array of items reflects many of the motivations and reasons why people take up pilgrimage. The 108 crutches, for example, most probably signify those who either asked the saint to heal their crippled limbs or symbols of those who have been healed and believed it was through the saint’s power. Either way, these items each contain extremely personal stories of those who, arguably in a degree of desperation or hope, placed their faith in the divine.

The Significance of Wax in Pilgrimage Practices

There is, however, an overwhelming number of wax limbs found at Hereford as well as other English shrines, and as part of the papal investigation, a certain pilgrim provided a detailed account that explains why such donations were made. Hugh le Barber, who had been the barber to Thomas in his later life, began to lose his eyesight as he grew older and thus appealed to the saint by sending two wax eyes to Hereford. These eyes were to the exact measurements, proportion, and likeness to his real eyes and were placed by the altar in the shrine upon his pilgrimage completion. His prayers were seemingly answered as his eyesight returned.

Pilgrimage Traditions Across Social Classes

What is particularly noteworthy about this tradition is that it seemingly transcends social class as Henry III, in 1245, spent £51 13s. 6d. for fifteen candles ‘of his size’ which were to be placed at the shrine of Edward the Confessor. Whether fifteen life-sized candles were actually made is unlikely, but this tradition of ‘measuring’ an ailment and making a candle of it is frequently described in hagiographies. A more logical approach, described in the Miracles of St Osmund, was that a string would be measured to the length of the afflicted limb or body of the pilgrim and then “the measuring thread (sometimes doubled back on itself) would form the wick of a candle of standard proportions”. Thomas of Monmouth corroborates this tradition in his description of a certain man who measured a length of string around his sick herd of oxen and used such thread to construct a candle as an offering.

Extraordinary Examples of Wax Offerings

The shrine of St Cuthbert also housed one donation whereby the string folded back on itself 66 times to form an appropriate wick. Perhaps the most extraordinary example of this tradition is that of the taper donated by the city of Dover to Thomas Becket at Canterbury. This ‘candela in rota’, or rather a taper wound around a drum several times, “contained in its length, the border of said city” and thus hoped for Thomas to aid all its inhabitants. This incredible tradition of representing the afflicted in wax thus symbolically equated the disappearance of ailment and disease. What is particularly clear, however, is this tradition, as with many others, transcends the strict boundaries of social class.

The Role of Oral Tradition in Pilgrimage Practices

One possible reason that enables these traditions to surpass class is due to the fact that worship is so closely related to belief, and by extension, oral tradition. Rather than a set of rules outlining worship, many of these traditions become popular on a “If it works, I’ll try it” basis in the same way many of us will attempt the new internet dieting fad nowadays. As we saw with the story of Eilward, pilgrim routes are highways of gossip and thus when people catch wind of certain practices that seemingly work, word of mouth can make them go viral.

Failed Pilgrimage Practices and Superstitions

Other so-called ‘viral trends’ included kissing the base of a saint’s altar, donating a single coin, and even entering the ‘Holy Hole’ which enabled pilgrims to crawl beneath the tomb and absorb divine radiation. Yet, it is the practices which failed to take off that prove how worshiping traditions are based on gossip. One such practice is that of bending a coin over an ill person when donating to the shrine of Thomas Becket. The miracula discusses this practice as if it were commonplace, and whilst it may have been in Canterbury, there is a lack of references in Osbern or other contemporary authors. Another tradition, created by a certain man from Exeter, saw him boil eggs, cut them into quarters, write Thomas Becket’s name on them, and eat them. It is no surprise that, though inventive, it did not gain traction.

Monastic Influence on Pilgrimage Traditions

What is particularly interesting, however, is how a monastic community may jostle over particular worshipping traditions and change their opinion over time. Benedict of Peterborough describes an odd practice known as “Canterbury Water” whereby pilgrims would drink a concoction that contained water and Thomas Becket’s blood. Benedict states that the monks were fearful to endorse such a practice as it was highly unusual, and almost perverse, to drink someone’s blood. Yet, over time the practice was allowed as it seemingly began to work miracles and Benedict writes, ‘‘O marvelous water’’, ‘‘that not only quenches the thirst of drinkers, but also extinguishes pain!”. In fact, in the miracle collection of c.1172 produced by William of Canterbury, drinking this water is written as casual practice. Thus, it can be argued that monastic communities conformed to the traditions developed and established by pilgrims, which is fairly atypical when we consider that there is an abundance of contemporary material (such as the Rule of St Benedict) on the rulings of how certain people should pray and act in life.

Pilgrimage as a Complex and Fluid Practice

Fundamentally, pilgrimage is far more in-depth than what may firstly appear. People did not merely travel to the local shrine to give offerings and ask for divine favours. Rather, pilgrims contained both the male and female; moral and amoral; the rich and the poor; and the lay and the ecclesiast. Whilst on one hand, pilgrimage was strict in legalities as kings, archbishops, and popes attempted to control and regulate aspects of worship and travel, it was also extremely fluid. Quite simply, pilgrimage was largely held in the palm of pilgrims themselves, and it was they who established and developed their journeys, traditions, and networks, all of which were based around belief and oral tradition.

The Role of Women in Pilgrimage

And though each shrine functioned and varied slightly differently – be it a royal patron, protector, or healer – these systems of belief meant that worshipers could transcend national borders, social class, political rivalries, and ethnic divisions. From the research largely conducted by Finucane, miracles are perhaps the most important source for understanding the composition and patterns of pilgrims across English and Northern French shrines. Through these vast collections, we can gain incredible statistics which can map the development of saint cults, understand the function of shrines through their devotees, and decode the complex topic of pilgrimage and gender disparity.

Pilgrimage and Medieval Society

Medieval pilgrims from the Ghent Altarpiece (c. 1430s) by Hubert and Jan van Eyck

In some ways, pilgrimage is one of the few areas whereby women had vast freedoms: they contributed a sizable proportion of total pilgrims; they had the ability to undertake pilgrimage at free will, both domestically and internationally; and they even dominated the worship of some shrines, such as Godric of Finchale and Frideswide of Oxford. Yet, as witnessed with the letter sent to the queen of England by the pope, there is a dark misogynistic undertone within pilgrimage that did limit women to access certain shrines such as that of St Cuthbert. Nevertheless, as shown by Finucane, as well as the material collected by Diana Webb, pilgrimage overturns the predisposed ‘Dark Age’ idea that medieval people did not travel or know much of the world around them. Instead, this documentation proves that the pathways and seas within Europe were bustling with travelers from all parts, and that England saw vast amounts of pilgrims from Northern France as well as the Low Countries via an interconnected monastic network.